Raoul Wallenberg – or another Swede?
Susanne Berger
As
we all know, sound decision making depends on good information and in-depth
analysis. Unfortunately, over long stretches of time the Raoul Wallenberg
investigation has enjoyed neither. The question is: Was the failure to
implement a systematic research approach and to correlate important details in
any way intentional or simply due to overwhelming Cold War pressures? Or both?
The
answer may lie in the fine print of a report released in 2003 by the so-called
Eliasson Commission, which investigated the Swedish Foreign Policy
Establishment’s handling of the Raoul Wallenberg case since 1945. The
Commission stated that, due to time restrictions, it had to omit from its deliberations
a sensitive topic: The fate of other Swedish citizens in Soviet captivity since
1945 and the possible implications for the Raoul Wallenberg investigation.
The
importance of the subject is made clear by newly published records from the
former Soviet Ministry of State Security (MGB) in
Interestingly,
it is not known exactly how many Swedes were held in the
Apart
from the well-known Kiruna Swedes (from the northern border region with
Finland), missing "Swedes" in the Soviet Union included fishermen;
soldiers who served in the German Wehrmacht or SS; adventurers; engineers and
technical personnel; Soviet residents of Swedish extraction (like those in
Estonia or the "Gammalsvenskby" settlement in the Ukraine);
individuals working for various aid organizations after the war (like the Red
Cross or Caritas Suecia); and an unspecified number of "Swedish"
agents.
These
agents operated in the Baltic countries, for example, and in
Of
the few UD officials with broader knowledge of Swedish operations at least one,
Gunnar Lorentzon [Economic section], also headed the Raoul Wallenberg
investigation in the late 1950‘s. Interestingly, a previously unpublished U.S.
State Department document from 1959 reveals that while in charge of the
Wallenberg investigation, Lorentzon considered the chances of Wallenberg’s
survival after 1947, when the Soviets claimed he had succumbed to a heart
attack in prison, surprisingly high - "75 or 65 [percent]." Why,
then, did the Swedish government not push harder for the truth?
The
main explanation for Swedish caution at the time -
The
post war espionage networks were undoubtedly of great importance to
A
spotlight on the critical years 1961-1965 illustrates the point:In January
1961, Swedish Professor Nanna Svartz brought news from a highly placed Soviet
colleague, Professor A. L. Myasnikov, that Raoul Wallenberg, contrary to Soviet
claims, was now, in 1961, alive, although in poor physical condition. Prime
Minister Tage Erlander immediately requested Wallenberg’s release, but the
enthusiasm did not last long. Myasnikov claimed that he had been misunderstood
and Swedish officials backed off. What the public did not know is that Svartz’s
testimony was not the only one of a highly secret Swede in Soviet captivity. In
December 1963, Marvin Makinen, an American student who had been arrested by the
Soviets in 1961, testified that his cellmate, Zigurds Kruminsh, had told him
about meeting a Swede in Korpus 2 (Section 2) of Vladimir prison, the
Makinen’s
statement should have electrified the search for Raoul Wallenberg, especially
in , connection with Svartz’s report, and the identification of "the
Swedish prisoner" should have immediately become a top priority. Instead,
in 1965 the Wallenberg question was officially removed from the Swedish-Soviet
agenda and it remained dormant for the next fifteen years. With a scant
archival record, one can only guess how Swedish officials pondered the wider
implications of the Svartz/Makinen testimonies: Was the prisoner Kruminsh and
Myasnikov encountered Raoul Wallenberg or another Swede? If there were other
Swedish prisoners in Vladimir during the time of Kruminsh‘s confinement there,
(1956-1963), their presence could possibly account for rumors about Raoul
Wallenberg. If, on the other hand, it could be shown that no other Swede was
held in
Perhaps
the most compelling case for Raoul Wallenberg’s presence in Vladimir prison in
the 1950’s/60’s is the testimony of a former cleaning woman, Varvara I. Larina,
who identified a picture of Raoul Wallenberg which had never appeared in the
international press from a random lineup of photographs. The testimonies of at
least a half a dozen former prisoners in
It
was quite well understood, even in early years, that only a small percentage of
all missing "Swedes" would ever have been held in
In
1957, a former prisoner (Hunoldt) testified that in early 1950 he had shared
cell with a Swede named "Eriksson. "Eriksson" claimed to have
been formally affiliated with the Red Cross and was arrested, together with two
colleagues, in
Investigators
wrestled with other sensitive issues. At the time of Svartz’s and Makinen’s
testimonies, Swedish agent networks in the Baltic countries had been exposed
and most agents had disappeared. It was unclear if the men were dead or in
Soviet captivity. The same was true for a number of "freelance"
agents, "Swedes" who had worked directly for British/American
interests and who may have been held at
When
in 2003 the wreckage of the plane was finally discovered in the
By
now it has become painfully clear that establishing the "other
Swedes’" full identity and formal tracking of their movements would have
made the investigation of all cases much more efficient. July 17, 2007 marks
the 60th anniversary of Raoul Wallenberg’s alleged death in the
Dagens
Nyheter January 21,2006.