TABLE TWO:   SIGHTINGS IN VLADIMIR PRISON

 

Date

Source/Witness

Corpus/Cell

Description

July 1947

V. V. Shulgin/ Hochli

Transport & Corpus II

Both in poor health; RW, died in 1948

Either Late 40s or early 50s

Russian Prisoner/[1] Gogiberidse, Rehekampf and T.H. Mulle

Corpus II

Swedish Prisoner;” Den Wallenberg konnen Sie lange suchen.” (Told to Gogiberidse by Political Officer).

Early 50s

V. V. Shulgin/Bruveris

 

Met a Swede in the early 50s whom Bruveris thinks is probably RW.

(June)1950

Ericksson/Hunoldt

Corpus II/57

Ericksson & two other Swedes, arrested in Eastern Europe in 1944, official affiliation with Red Cross, brought to Vladimir in 1948[2] or 1949 from Moscow.

1951

F. Sperlich

Unclear

Learned from a Russian who had sat with a Swede and a Japanese prisoner that there was a Swedish prisoner in Vladimir. (See below).

Jan 1952 – Dec 53

Hans Schmidt

Unclear

Heard from either a Russian or a Japanese that there were two Swedes in Vladimir. Hunoldt also confirmed this to Schmidt.

1952

Lithuanian Partisan

Not in Corpus II

Two Swedes being held Hunoldt in Vladimir in some other building or barrack.

1952-54

Starke/Vogt

Corpus II

Vilmos Langfelder shared a two person cell sometime during 1952 and 1953/54 with a young German.

(1954)

Wilfred Cumish / Admiral H.E. Voss

Corpus Unclear

a Swedish prisoner’ in Vladimir[3]. Cumish later stated he shared a cell with Langfelder.[4]

DATE

Report to UD

Corpus Unclear

Three Swiss prisoners & one Swede.

March 3-20, 1953

Turin/Uibel

Corpus II, Cell 20

Communicated with Tomsen, a/k/a Grossheim-Krisko, also an employee of the Swedish Embassy Budapest.[5]

August 2,3, 1954

Emil Brugger/(confirmed Gouaze)

Corpus II-21/II-20

Knocking contact initiated by Wallenberg who stated he was First Secretary Swedish Legation in Budapest.  Asked Brugger to contact the Swedish consulate upon his release.  Second contact to inform Brugger that RW was alone in his cell.”

1954-55

Nagy, Sandor

Corpus III

Tapping communication in isolation cell both with Bela Kovacs and Raoul Wallenberg.[6]

1955-1956

I. M. Wolfin/ Kalinski

Transport

Came into Vladimir together with RW.[7]

Early 1955

Otto Schoggl

Corpus III

After operation, taken upstairs and placed in a cell for22 hours with RW. Later named the kinds of foreign currency RW had on him at time of arrest.[8] The hospital staff referred to this prisoner as  “the Crazy One.” 

(1955-1960)

V. I. Larina

Corpus II, 3rd Floor

Solitary confinement; II-49; across the hall from Osmak at the time of his death. Received packages.

(1955-1960)

Kukin

Corpus II, 3rd Floor

Corpus II warden Kukin confirmed that a man meeting the description offered by Larina was held in a single cell at that time.

Aug/Sept 56

Vasiliyev/Mermelstein

Corpus II, 3rd Floor

Sat a very important & closely guarded prisoner presumed to be Russian, no one knew his name. Called only by number. [9]

1957-1962

Z. Kruminsh/Makinen

Corpus II

Swedish prisoner.” [10]

August 1962

De Jaeger/Reydon

Corpus II

Prisoner about 170 cm, about 40-5. Cell opposite II-35 about 40-50 years old,  Had special privileges including a typewriter.[11] Believed to be a Swede engaged in some kind of special work.

April-Sept 1960

Vorobyov-Vorobei / Leizer Berger

Corpus II-53

Sat with Mamulov and others in Corpus II after and before returning to sit with Berger in Corpus I.  Here he learned about Swedish diplomat-prisoner Wallenberg being held in II, particularly with a former ‘Stalin general, Gorgibereshvilli.[12]

Before 1964

Menshagin/Sakalys

Corpus II

Sakalys shared a cell with Menshagin in 1964; said Menshagin had personally met RW.

March/April 1970

Iosef Terelya/ Razkalns

Corpus II

Terelya met a prisoner in the Cells 25 & 33[13] corridor going to and from the toilet when the guards made a mistake.  This figure, rendered by a police artist, resembles aged photographs of Wallenberg. Said that the prisoner’s eyes were not the usual dull, lifeless ones.  Tried to speak with prisoner but his response was not in Russian.  Later, when the prisoner was moved out of the floor, Terelya asked for the tumbuchka in the cell to store his belongings.  Allegedly, when he turned it over, he saw inscribed: Sweden Raoul Wallenberg and Martina Miranda. Terelya said that when he had earlier inquired who the prisoner was, he was told a White Russian war criminal, i.e had a Russian pseudonym.

 



[1]  The Makinen/Kaplan computerized study of Corpus II occupancy shows that Gogiberidse sat with Kutepov in cell III-43, at the time of his arrival in Vladimir, July 26, 1947 until March 23, 1949.  As my prisoner file study shows that Kutepov came to Vladimir Prison on the same transport as Shulgin and Volkov in July 1947, this is presumably the source of Gogiberidse’s report which he in turn told Rehekampf from March 22 to October 31, 1949 in Cell III-43.  As Makinen shows, Gogiberidse himself was not in Corpus II until 1953.

 

[2] Ericksson had just had a gall bladder operation.  The story of RW dying in the early 50s of a gall bladder or liver problem may emanate from Ericksson.  Note also that Hunolt told Hans Schmidt that there were two Swedes in Vladimir together in Corpus III (which could indicate that Ericksson definitely died.)  Schmidt was repatriated in 1953.

 

[3]  American prisoner Cumish later identified Wallenberg from a group of photographs, only said that his name was Steinberg.  Vladimir worker, V.I. Larina also gave the name ‘Shteinberg’ for the unknown prisoner whom she also identified from a photograph.

 

[4] While Cumish identifies Langfelder very accurately, it is hard to determine where this event took place in 1954 or otherwise. Cumish had stated that he remembers the incident well because whenever Voss came in, Langfelder went out.  Voss admits he came and went from his last cell which he shared with Cumish but if so, Dengg and Porzgen should have seen Langfelder also. Cumish’ pairing with four other cellmates is continuous until May 15, 1955.  At this point there is an indication of solitary. It is interesting however that Voss knew that there was a Swede in prison, but did not name Langfelder.  So it is indeed possible that the swap was with another prisoner who could never be in the same cell with Langfelder and took place after Voss left Vladimir.  I would guess however that Cumish is being accurate.  Given the strict rules to keep the knowledge of RW and VL contained, it would have been a mistake to put Langfelder with Voss as they both had sat with Kitschman and Voss was an associate of Krafft, with whom Langfelder had sat also in Moscow.  By May  1955, Kitschman had left Vladimir and Krafft had died.

 

[5] As Makinen notes, since Turin knew that he was communicating with Tomsen, there could be no confusion that he was communicating with Wallenberg.  The problem begins when Grossheim-Krisko denied that he ever had such a communication with them.  Makinen believes that the presence of Grossheim-Krisko in Corpus II led to false rumors about Wallenberg, meaning that the earlier reports through a Russian prisoner to Gogiberidse have much more substance in his mind.

 

[6] Bela Kovacs, with the exception of the first month after his arrival from Verchne-Uralsk on April 18, 1954 sat in Corpus III until the end.  Other than a brief entry of two days in Cell III-15, he was held exclusively on the ground floor in cells III-2, III-7, III-8, III-4, and III-6. 

 

[7] Wolfin first came to Vladimir after his sentencing in 1948.  However, he went out twice: February 27 to April 2, 1955; and January 3 – April 20, 1956.  It is conceivable that he came back into Vladimir with Wallenberg from, say, Butyrka.

This could mean that Wallenberg as an anonymous prisoner was going from Vladimir to Moscow and back also.  If true, Wallenberg could also have been undergoing psychiatric diagnosis if Schoggl’s reference to RW as ‘the crazy one’ has any merit.

 

[8] Schoggl spoke of the amount of money which Wallenberg had on him at time of arrest and named various foreign currencies.  He did this in the Eighties, prior to his death, which was before the Soviets returned Wallenberg’s possessions to his next of kin and returned the various currencies to them.  However Schoggl was apparently wrong when he said that Wallenberg was brought to Moscow by plane, as Langfelder told Huber that they came by train via Rumania.

 

[9] Consider the possibility that refers to Goglidze, the ‘Georgian Beria general’ who was the last head of the 3rd Main Directorate (Military Counter-Intelligence) before Beria’s deposition.  See testimony of Leizer Berger who maintains that RW sat with such a man.  Goglidze in his rise was associated with Mamulov, who was also held at Vladimir at that time – only under his name.

 

[10] Kruminsh did not know the charges against the Swedish prisoner, only that he was sure that when he returned home he

 would be highly rewarded and acknowleged for his work.  Kruminsh denied ever being the Swede’s cellmate but Makinen

was  not convinced.

 

[11] Because de Jager and Reydon were Dutch, they were presented with a number of newspapers in languages unknown to the dguard to sort out.  Reydon recognized the languages as Finnish and Swedish.  Believed the Swedish materials went to the man across the hall who could be seen when the door was open.

 

[12] This name is a hybrid of Bereshvilli and Gogiberidse, two well-known Georgian prisoners at Vladimir who resisted the regime.  Goglidze was a Stalin general who, as mentioned above, served as head of the 3rd Main Directorate just before the death of Stalin and until the arrest of Beria when he was arrested also.  Goglidze is ‘believed’ to have been executed but no one seems to know for sure – only to presume that he perished with the other ‘Beria deputies.’   Note that the Makinen/Kaplan study would indicate that Mamulov was also the source of Mukha’s information that there was a Swedish prisoner in Vladimir.  Note also that Vorovei, when speaking directly to Makinen, refers to the prisoner as ‘the Swede Van den Berg’ not Wallenberg.

 

[13]The Makinen/Kaplan study was able to confirm that Cell II-25 was empty for a brief period compatible with Terelya’s statement that the foreign prisoner had been transferred to Cell II-33 from II-25.  This study also notes that occupancy of II-33 was unaccounted for from September 2, 1969 until May 27, 1970 for a period of 267 days.  Makinen does not believe that the prisoner thought to be Wallenberg was in the cell all that time, but we know at least the cut off date of May 27, 1970.  Menshagin went into exile May 28, 1970.  Could the prisoner believed to be Wallenberg in II-33 also be going into exile at that time, after the completion of a 25 year sentence for espionage?